Chosen passage: p.g. 50 ‘I made her die.’ – End of page.

Death is a central, but abstract theme in ‘Thousand Cranes’; the characters’ perception of it is constantly shifting, and, by the end of the novel, no character holds it in the same regard. Kikuji, the protagonist of the novel, experiences several turning points in his personal relationship with death, one of which takes place at the climax of Part I of Figured Shino, upon his discussion of Mrs Ota’s suicide with her daughter Fumiko.

After evading the subject of blame all evening, Kikuji proclaims that ‘(He) made her die’,  a short, simple, declarative statement that acts as a clear admission of his guilt, an admission that opens up a conversation with Fumiko that allows their shared, muddled feelings to flow. The boldness of such emotional vulnerability stands in stark contrast to both traditional Japanese culture, which values conformity and emotional suppression in promotion of better relationships, and Kikuji and Fumiko’s interactions in the novel up to this point. Even when first informing Kikuji of her mother’s suicide, Fumiko did so entirely through euphemism, allowing the subtext to convey the gravity of the situation, and she only did so because she needed his help in covering the situation up, in order to preserve her and her mother’s honour. The verb ‘made’ connotes force, as well as an active effort, implying that Kikuji feels his role in her death was decisive, and had he not interfered with her affairs she would undoubtedly still be alive; he is the sole cause, and it was no accident.

However, Fumiko counters this thought by explaining that to blame anyone would be to make ‘her death seem dirty’. Describing the death with such an adjective, ‘dirty’, could reflect how suicide was considered as morally reprehensible in post-WWII Japanese society, a sinful act, or, it could connote impurity, and therefore suggest that Mrs Ota’s death was a pure act, one of sacrifice that is more reminiscent of the ancient Japanese tradition of seppuku, a ritual suicide preformed to protect one’s honour; to tie blame or guilt to her death would be to taint it with the same negativity that she was trying to vanquish.

After Fumiko goes onto explain that forgiveness is enough for the dead, and as he reflects on this, ‘a curtain in Kikuji’s mind (seems) to disappear.’ He comes to the revelation that ‘The dead did not press moral considerations upon the living’, and thus realises that Fumiko was right: to apportion guilt to himself would be to taint the nobility of Mrs Ota’s death, reinforcing my earlier point. The nouns ‘living’ and ‘dead’ act as classifiers, which denote a clear separation in Kukuji’s head; Mrs Ota is no longer a ghost, an apparition somewhere between the world of the living and the dead that can haunt him, but distinctly dead, thus implying that he is free of the unprocessed emotions he was left with after her passing. Kikuji recognising the threat of guilt to the legacy of Mrs Ota also implies that he has empathy for the dead, something he has not yet displayed towards his father, whose death often crosses his mind, highlighting Kikuji’s growth and development as a character as a result of his evolving perception of death and loss.

 

Culture, Identity and Community:

When reading Thousand Cranes, the effect of war on a culture can be seen in how Kawabata entwines the air raids of World War II with Kikuji’s story; as a result of the unique wartime conditions, complex and circumstantial relationships are created and developed, nurtured by the trauma of conflict. For example, the deep connection between Mr. Mitani and Kumiko was formed during the air raids, entirely unknown to Kikuji until several years later, as Kumiko was willing to risk her life to see her father figure to safety; a connection that would arguably not have formed without this unique bonding experience.

‘Then Kikuji remembered: during the air raids ,she had seen his father as far as the gate.’

This relationship between Mr. Minati and Kumiko, fostered by the war, has ongoing effects, as Kikuji and Kumiko’s relationship is forever altered it. Kikuji learns suddenly that she has a relationship with his father as much as he does, a revelation which he recognises in the quote ‘I hope we will have a chance sometime to talk about my father’, and acts on when he sees her ‘to the gate’, mirroring her actions towards his father all those years ago. This interaction implies that an unspoken connection has been created between them as well, not as a direct result of the war, but because of it’s generational ramifications.

The civilian death toll in Japan from Allied bombing was between 330,000 and 900,000, with a countless many more affected in smaller, more subtle ways, like those that can be seen in the extra-familial relationships of Thousand Cranes. I would that imagine that other families have similar stories about the air raids, and wonder what other unlikely relationships were created in that time of crisis.

Map of Relationships:

Exploration of Relationships:

A particularly interesting relationship is that of Kikuji and Mrs Ota, because of it’s deep contextual complexity considering both of their respective relationships with Mr and Mrs Mitani. We learn that Kikuji has not yet processed the loss of his mother, which is perhaps why he is so quickly infatuated with Mrs Ota, as ‘there was a feeling of the maternal with her’; he is seeking another figure like his mother to provide him with warmth and love, evidenced by the repetition of ‘warm’ throughout chapter 4. Kukiji’s desire to be wanted, and more importantly, loved, is reinforced when he ‘put strength into his embrace’ after Mrs Ota ‘pulled away’. He physically does not want to let her go, connoting desperation, and implying a deeper loneliness that he does not wish to return to.

However, the complexity of their relationship reveals itself as their encounter progresses and Mrs Ota becomes hysterical. Kikuji is reminded that ‘she was his father’s woman’, a possession of the man who raised him, which not only reminds the reader of the context of their shared history, but reintroduces thoughts of Mr Mitani, raising the idea that perhaps Kikuji was drawn to Mrs Ota not only because of unresolved feelings towards his mother, but also to reignite some sort of connection with his late father, as in his final years it is revealed that he was happy with her; perhaps Kikuji feels that if he experiences this happiness for himself, he can gain an insight into his father’s truest, deepest self, and have one final thing in common with him.

Despite this, Kikuji is not the only one with a complicated filial relationship with Mr Mitani, as he shares this with Fumiko, the daughter of Mrs Ota. It is fascinating to see how they navigate this common relationship, as they acknowledge it through both subtlety and, at times, blinding forthrightness in Chapter 5. For example, in response to Kikuji expressing his surprise at how she was able to find the house, ‘she nodded’, and it is only after, and silently, that Kikuji recalls how she saw his father to the gate during the air raids, an interaction from which the reader can infer a mutual, unspoken agreement not to address Mr Mitani. However, this assumption is almost immediately broken, as Fumiko uncomfortably states that she’d like Kikuji ‘to forgive her (mother) for (his) father too’, raising the question of not only whether Mrs Ota is deserving of this forgiveness, but more significantly: whether or not Kikuji has the authority to forgive Mrs Ota on behalf of his father? The action would have immense emotional and historical weight for his family, and ultimately, it is not his to bestow, but Kumiko requests it nonetheless. Although, through Kawabata’s presentation of their exchange’s conclusion, I believe that one can see how Mr Mitani has affected Kikuji and Kumiko, instilling a part of himself in each of them, and thus creating an unseen connection between them. This can be seen in Kikuji seeing Kumiko to the gate, mirroring her actions towards his father all those years ago.

Narrative Clues that Establish Kurimoto Chikako as an Antagonistic Force in Chapters 1 to 3:

• Chikako is introduced through her birthmark, which connotes impurity and implies that she will grow to be a blemish in Kikuji’s life.
• She is also immediately associated with Mr. Mitani’s adultery, which is not only a sinful act, but one directly tied to Kikuji’s lineage.
• The hypocritical act of becoming ‘his mother’s ally’ feels wrong in Kikuji’s close and complex family setting , and ‘indeed a too hard-working ally’ implies that she is not wanted in that maternal role.
• We learn that Chikako is a woman infested with spite due to her choice of tea bowl, intended to insult Mrs Ota and her relationship with Mr. Minata.
• An extended metaphor of poison is used to describe Chikako’s influence on Kikuji, associating her with death and decay.
• Finally, she, whether knowingly or unknowingly, risks Kikuji’s chances with the ‘girl of a thousand cranes’ by loudly projecting her intimate conversation with Kikuji for all to hear, and possibly embarrass him. The fact that the girl is associated with a thousand cranes connotes hope, purity, and idealism, and could suggest that Chikako was willing to sacrifice Kikuji’s chance at these.

What We Know So Far:

• Kikuji’s father had at least two extra-marital affairs, one with Miss Kurimoto, Chikako, and one with the widowed Mrs Ota.
• Kikuji’s mother knew of both of these affairs, and was more concerned with the public reaction to her husband’s adultery than his emotional betrayal of her.
• Kikuji’s father, Mr. Mitani, did not attempt to conceal at least his first affair from his son.
• Chikako’s spiteful choice of tea bowl implies that she is jealous of Mrs Ota.
• Kikuji is attracted to a ‘girl of a thousand cranes’ at a tea ceremony he is attending, which he was invited to by Chikako.
• Kikuki’s father is dead.
• Chikako is a more assertive presence than Kikuji’s mother, and Kikuji does not feel resentment towards her for her role in his father’s adulterous behaviour, at least not anymore.

What Do We Want To Find Out?

• Why is Chikako introducing prospective wives to Kikuji instead of his mother? Has she taken on a more maternal role in his life?
• Is Kukiji’s mother still alive? If she is, why is she not at the tea ceremony?
• How did Kikuji’s father die?
• What is the time period of the book?
• Why did Kikuji’s mother not seem to care about her husband’s affairs?
• Why is Mrs Ota at the tea ceremony?

The Significance of the Crane Symbol

Tea Ceremonies

The process of preparing and drinking green tea dates back to its introduced to Japan in the 8th century from China. The main purpose, besides drinking the tea, is for the guest to enjoy the hospitality of the host in a calming atmosphere, and to take a break from the fast pace of life. Tea ceremonies have varying levels of formality.

Initially, tea was used for medicinal purposes amongst the upper class. However, between the Muromachi Period of 1333-1537, tea became popular in all social classes, and became a luxury drunk for pleasure. Around the same time, tea parties with Zen-inspired simplicity and links to Buddhism developed. They stemmed from a Buddhist monk called Sen no Rikyu, and provided the basis for modern tea ceremonies.

A full tea ceremony is a multi hour event with varying levels of formality. It begins with a traditional meal and is followed by a bowl of thick tea and then a bowl of thin tea, however, ceremonies are often shorter. The mannerisms in a tea ceremony are specific to exact hand movements, and attendees are expected to wear modest clothing and avoid strong perfumes or other scents, as to not distract guests from the tea’s aroma.

Tea ceremonies take place in a tatami room; a traditional Japanese room with an open style and simplistic furniture. The doors are often low, forcing guests to bow and display humility. Participants are expected to sit in a seiza position, and the decorations in the room are carefully selected before each ceremony. Generally, a tea room is surrounded by a tranquil and peaceful garden, but this is not always the case for more modern ceremonies. The traditional garden does not have any bright or strong scented flowers, but there is a stone basin near the entrance to the tea room, where the visitors can wash their hands in the basin before entering the room.

To summarise, tea ceremonies are important in Japan because they represent and display key aspects of Japanese culture, including: Respect, tranquillity, harmony, humility, politeness, and courtesy.

Japanese Marriage – Meiji Era (1868 – 1912)

Before the Meiji Era, only the samurai class had the privilege of having a family name. In 1870, the Meiji government allowed all citizens to have a family name and during the following year the Census Registration Law was enacted, turning the lineal family into one unit of registration known as an ie, meaning that even if several families of the same ancestor lived separately, they were still registered as one ie. The ‘ie’ concept is the basis of the family system, and was strengthened by the establishment of the Civil Code in 1898. Under this system, the eldest male in the family was granted special rights, including the right to approve a marriage, decide the residence of family members, and manage and inherit family property. The Civil Code also stipulated that a wife enters the ie of the husband and bears the husband’s family name. Marriage in the Meiji Era meant a union of two families, or more precisely, an absorption of a wife by a husband’s family. This was because people couldn’t freely marry without the legal consent of their family heads.

Before the establishment of the Civil Code, marriage among common citizens was more flexible, with people able to easily marry, get a divorce, and remarry. However, the establishment of the ie system made marriage more rigid and spread the idea that marriage was to be lifelong. Marriage was not just a social norm, but also a necessity for people to be able to make a living – as many people during this period worked as farmers who needed the extra labour. Marriage was usually arranged by relatives or local matchmakers, so it was not uncommon for a bride and groom to meet for the first time at the their wedding ceremony. The ie system was inherently patriarchal, husbands were even legally allowed to murder their wives for infidelity until 1908.

Japanese Marriage – Showa Period (1926-1989)

The post-war Constitution (1946) abolished the system of marriage approval by family heads and made it so that marriage now took effect solely based on an agreement by a man and woman. The Civil Code was also revised in 1947, stating that a married couple can choose either family name to use on an equal basis, abolishing the system where a wife entered her husband’s family. The Census Registration Law, which made the lineal family one unit of registration, was revised to make the nuclear family their own separate unit. However, the revision didn’t go far enough to make the registration on an individual basis, and the legacy of the ie carries on even today. Marriage went through a rapid change during the high economic growth of 1955-1973. The economic shift from agriculture to industrialisation meant that there was a large increase in the number of salaried employees living in urban areas who formed their own nuclear families. There was a widespread belief that marriage meant a better life and a guaranteed rise in income. It was due to this belief that the population of those who remained unmarried was extremely low.

Despite these changes, half of all marriages were still arranged until the 1960s and married women would mark themselves by blackening their teeth and shaving their eyebrows. However, this changed during a period of high economic growth, as ‘love-based’ marriages surpassed arranged ones. The population of those who stayed unmarried was extremely low until the mid-1970s, when the 1973 oil crisis and the following low economic growth marked a turning point in views toward marriage. Slow economic growth meant that not everyone could expect to experience a better standard of living to come with marriage. More women had access to higher education and had better careers during this time too, and the average age of marriage began to rise in the mid-1970s.

Japanese Marriage – Heisei & Reiwa Period (Modern Day)

Today Japanese law stipulates that: The male partner must be 18 years of age or older and the female partner must be 16 years of age or older. A person who is under 20 years of age cannot get married in Japan without a parent’s approval. There is a form of common-law marriage but it does not have the same rights as a traditional marriage; a common law marriage is a legally recognized marriage between two people who have not purchased a marriage license or had their marriage solemnized by a ceremony. Arranged marriages still occur, but it’s a less serious affair and the bride and groom have more say.

A public opinion poll on divorce conducted by the Prime Minister’s Office in 1997 shows that more than 50 percent of both men and women supported the idea that a couple should divorce if they are not satisfied with each other, whereas in 1972, the support rate stood at around 20 percent. Another example of changing views about marriage is calls for revising the Civil Code to legally recognize separate family names between a married couple.

Same-sex marriage is still not recognized in Japan. However, as of 8 January 2021, there are 71 municipalities and 3 prefectures that issue same-sex partnership certificates. These aren’t legally recognised as marriage certificates but are still useful in civil matters such as hospital visitation rights and housing. Luckily, things seem to be moving in the right direction with numerous opinion surveys showing high levels of support for same-sex marriage among the Japanese public – notably among women and the younger generation.

Significant Japanese Traditions

• Yamayaki – Mountain Burning: In the Japanese language, they have a single word for burning down a mountain; “Yamayaki.” It’s an ancient ceremony which involves the burning down of vegetation before springtime, and, in the eyes of the Japanese, it’s a visually stunning event, with fireworks also being burnt fireworks to add to the display. The tradition itself dates back to when there were ancient disputes about land, and when the nation had a major problem with wild boars. One notable Yamayaki is the burning of Mount Wakakusa, meaning ‘young grass’, located in Nara, the former capital. It takes place on the fourth Saturday of each January, where citizens burn the mountain’s grass.
• Ojigi – Bowing: Ojigi is an extremely significant tradition in Japan, preformed at a variety of situations from sports events to weddings. It involves a person lowering their head or the upper part of their torso to convey: salutation, reverence, gratitude or apology. Ojigi was commonly related to the Samurai, a member of the military nobility and officer of Japan from the 12th century. The Japanese prefer to bow rather than shake hands, as it is considered to be respected and appreciated, showing courtesy. A handshake, if done, must be limp with little to no eye contact.
• Hatsuhi – Sunrise: Hatsuhi translates into English as ‘first sun’, and is the Japanese tradition of waking up at sunrise on New Year’s Day to see the first new sun of the year. In Japan, families like to have a large, traditional breakfast consisting of steamed rice, fermented soy beans, and seasoned dried seaweed. The day is not just connected to Hatsuhi, but numerous rituals and pastimes, such as the ringing of bells at Buddhist temples; which, along with Shinto, is the joint prime religion of Japan.
• Ehomaki – Sushi Rolls: Ehomaki is a Setsubun tradition which involves eating a whole, uncut sushi roll, whilst facing a lucky direction that changes annually. It used to be practiced in Osaka, but has spread nationwide due to marketing in Japanese convenience stores. Eating in Ehomaki is considered to be a special event which must be done in silence, and if the person carrying out the tradition faces in the lucky direction, they are said to be protected from the appearance of demons.

Women in 20th/21st Century Japanese Society

Women were given equal rights to men after the Second World War, however social prejudices remained as well as the expectation of traditional domestic roles. Economic and professional barriers still remain for women to this date. Legally, there are equal opportunities in the workplace, and there is a higher proportion of female Japanese workers than in the United States. Despite this, women continue to feel dominated by men professionally. 

• Women were given the right to vote in 1945. 
• Post-war reforms were written into the constitution in 1946, granting women civil rights. 
• Japan ranks 121st out of 153 for the Global Gender Gap.
• In a global survey of women in Parliament, Japan ranked 123rd out of 189.
• The average Japanese woman earns 40% less than her male colleague. 

The majority of working women have clerical positions, for example: secretarial positions. Women tend to fill part time jobs to care for children, and the majority of working women do have children. In 2003, the Japanese Government aimed to have 30% of senior roles filled by women. By 2015, this figure had reached a mere 3.5%. In 2020, to account for the low figure, the target was set at 7%, with 15% in private settings. Historically, Japanese women have stayed at home, looking after their children, whilst their husbands went to work. It is only since the Second World War that these social perceptions have changed legally but it is a battle that continues to be fought today, for greater freedoms and rights.

The role of women is often referred to as the ‘three submissions’: a traditional belief. It is thought by many that young women should ‘submit’ to their fathers, married women to their husbands and older women to their sons. This is still regarded as philosophy in contemporary Japan, highlighting the importance of culture and traditions today. The term ‘submit’ meant tending to housework and domestic roles: cooking cleaning, looking after children etc. Half of all women by the 1960’s had been forced into arranged marriages. Until 1908, it was legal for men to murder their wives for infidelity, highlighting the disparity between the sexes.

The Bento or Obento box is a tradition embedded in Japanese culture. It is a portion of rice, fish and vegetables usually provided for lunch. Over time, creative liberties have been taken, and packed lunches became competitive. Food would be made to look like anime characters, building or flowers. Although it seems to be a wholesome tradition, there has been much speculation about about what it represents for Japanese society. Women would make bento boxes for their children and husbands, again highlighting gender disparity. Ann Alison gave an interpretation of the bento box in her book (1991), describing it as ‘an ideological state apparatus’. 

To conclude, the role of the Japanese woman in society has changed exponentially over time, and change is still accelerating today. Women have gone from working in domestic roles to working in professional settings in clerical environments. Whilst this is a welcome change, gender disparity still exists in Japan, often embedded in the culture, for example, the bento box.

Traditional Japanese Costume

Traditional Japanese costume, is inextricably linked with status, take for example the ‘Furisode’ Kimono which is worn by single females to formal occasions. Regardless of personal intentions, if a young female wears a furisode they must take into account the ways in which their fashion will be interpreted by their community. In this scenario the long, draping, dangling sleeves are a symbolic flirt, and advertise the females desire for a mate, like a bird showing off their feathers. As well as being determined by individual status, traditional Japanese clothing is also determined by the formality of the event which is being attended. To an untrained eye, a formal Kimono may look no different from an informal one, which might be because often, notably amongst male Kimonos, the only difference is the quality of material.

Due to the signing of various commerce treaties, since the 1850’s Japan has become increasingly more western. Therefore traditional Japanese costume is becoming less prominent, especially in the modern Japanese workplace where the western business suit has established its presence. Whilst the meaning of fashion in Japanese tradition is noticeably objective and prescribed, it would seem false to deny the existence of similar concepts in western fashion. Despite the fact that no-one talks about the structure, because in the west we are ‘free to wear what we feel comfortable in’, certain clothing items have definite connotations, whether it be the choice of brand, or the length of a skirt. However, the west has one major advantage which is the existence of unisex clothes, for example the jean and hoodie combination, this provides a space in fashion for those who would rather refrain from expressing a fixed identity through their clothing. In contrast Japanese traditional costume asserts clear dichotomies between males and females, and between the married and the single, which present clear obstacles for certain members of society. Would a single woman in her 40’s want to adopt a furisode, kimono for single women, even though all of the other females wearing them will likely be in their 20’s?